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Sample translations submitted: 1
Spanish to English: Luche y vuelve (The Fight to Return)
Source text - Spanish LUCHE Y VUELVE: ENTREVISTA EXCLUSIVA CON EVO MORALES
Evo Morales lleva varios meses como refugiado político en la Argentina. Proscripto en su país, anda de acá para allá en Buenos Aires; asiste a actos, donde lo reciben con comida andina y guirnaldas de flores, y orquestó, desde acá, el lanzamiento de la fórmula del MAS (Luis Arce Catacora-David Choquehuanca) desde el Hotel Bauen. Romina Lema habló con el ícono indígena que sacó de la pobreza al Haití de Sudamérica ahora exiliado en el país de las Madres, y descubre que está seguro que el 3 de mayo volverá el MAS con la conciencia del pueblo. Las razones del Golpe. El apoyo de la colectividad boliviana. Fotos: Pepe Mateos.
“Agradezco toda la cooperación del gobierno nacional argentino, por este espacio que nos da para estar más cerca de mi querida Bolivia; y también al pueblo argentino tan entusiasta con sus gritos de ´Olé olé´ me sorprende con su respaldo, en distintos lugares donde voy me dan mucha fuerza para seguir adelante con nuestro proceso de cambio y, sobre todo, para que vuelva la democracia a Bolivia”, dice.
Evo recorrió barrios emblemáticos de la colectividad boliviana en Buenos Aires, se reunió con funcionarios del gobierno nacional y diversas organizaciones sociales y sindicales, fue recibido en ronda de las Madres y brindó numerosas conferencias de prensa en el hotel BAUEN recuperado por sus trabajadores.
¿Cómo lo recibe la colectividad boliviana en la Argentina?
Hemos tenido reuniones con más de cien referentes acá en Buenos Aires y todos están con la paz, apoyando el proceso de cambio en Bolivia. Tengo también muchas invitaciones a concentraciones, a cumpleaños, a festejos. Donde vivo me pasa que suena el timbre, preguntamos “¿quién es?” y contestan ´soy boliviano, traigo mi carne para hacer parrillada´. Es difícil atender tantas visitas -se ríe- estoy constantemente alimentado. Estoy muy agradecido tanto con los bolivianos como con los argentinos.
¿Qué reflexión hace de estos meses después de la irrupción del gobierno dictatorial en Bolivia?
Estuve en reunión permanente con diversos sectores sociales, todos hemos reconocido que nos hemos confiado demasiado. Porque hemos derrotado varios intentos de golpes de estado: el de 2008, en 2011, la marcha del TIPNIS o cuando fue el paro de 2 semanas de la Policía Nacional, y nos sentíamos confiados; pero finalmente - como en el fútbol - un contragolpe y gol. No teníamos un plan B, no nos preparamos post 20 de octubre. Ahora estamos debatiendo profundamente, ahora nos estamos convenciendo que puede haber fraude. O si ganamos, otra vez golpe. Y vamos a prepararnos para enfrentar cualquier otra agresión de la derecha. No sólo es un golpe de la derecha boliviana sino que es un golpe del imperio que no nos perdona que indígenas y movimientos sociales hayamos liderado el proceso, no perdonan las nacionalizaciones. Nosotros gritamos que otro mundo es posible y con las políticas económicas Bolivia creció permanentemente. Sin el Fondo Monetario Internacional hemos demostrado que otra Bolivia es posible. El mayor pecado para Estados Unidos es que hayamos hecho la industrialización del litio.
La razón del Golpe de Estado...
En occidente sólo quieren la materia prima de nuestra región, de toda América latina. En Bolivia empezamos a industrializar el litio desde el laboratorio pasando por plantas piloto, en septiembre de hace dos años inauguramos la industria de cloruro de potasio, con una inversión de unos 800 millones de dólares, y en ese mismo año -de septiembre a diciembre- ya exportamos 15.000 toneladas de cloruro de potasio a Brasil en un proceso que planeaba triplicar la producción. Para este año estaba previsto inaugurar la primer planta de carbonato de litio con una capacidad de producción de 400.000 toneladas al año, y teníamos el plan para hacer tres plantas en Coipasa, Pastos Grandes y Uyuni. Después venía la producción de hidróxido de litio y las grandes plantas de baterías de litio. La propuesta que teníamos era construir 41 plantas, 14 de litio, otras plantas para insumos y otras para subproductos como para alimento y medicamentos. Habíamos convocado a licitación pública internacional, y ahí entraba China y Europa (mediante Alemania y Rusia). Pero era una licitación sin los Estados Unidos. Ustedes saben que el futuro energético es el litio y que las reservas más grandes de litio están en Bolivia. Hemos avanzado con nuestras reservas internacionales, no con préstamos; en este contexto y por una cuestión de mercado necesitamos socios.
LA IRRUPCIÓN DE LA CRUZ
El día de la jura de la autoproclamada presidenta Jeanine Añez, grupos golpistas quemaron la wiphala en el Palacio de Gobierno ¿cómo cree que afectó esto?
No se puede usar a Dios para oprimir a los humildes como si se repitieran tiempos de la Inquisición o la Colonia. La historia cuenta que en las familias aristócratas de tres hijos uno era cura, el otro abogado y el restante militar; porque cuando no se podía dominar con la Biblia, se intentaba con la ley y sino con bala. Esa es la historia de Bolivia y de América latina toda. Sobre lo sucedido en Bolivia hay grupos que vienen del falangismo de los 60’ y de Banzer del 70’. Hay un neofascismo, un neorracismo que termina en el golpismo. Carlos Mesa hizo quemar los predios del Tribunal Electoral Departamental (TED) después de las elecciones y ahora invita a hacer mantenimiento y reparación de esos edificios por parte de la USAID (Agencia de los Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional). Hemos vuelto al Estado mendigo, al estado limosnero como cuando el mismo Mesa era presidente. Por eso se están aislando del mundo, porque cumplen el mandato de los Estados Unidos.
En un contexto golpista ¿cómo se garantiza una votación democrática?
Es importante que la comunidad internacional pueda acompañar con notables internacionales que hagan respetar las normas. Ellos públicamente dijeron haremos elecciones transparente y libres; yo digo que dejen de perseguir, amenazar y expulsar a quienes no piensan como ellos. Alguien que habla en la prensa y protesta contra Añez, ya es sedicioso. No hay libertad de expresión. Cortaron señales de RT, Telesur. Están cerrando radios comunitarias. Amenazan públicamente “Si un medio de Bolivia protesta contra la dictadura, va a ser sancionado” y luego dicen “los salvajes no volverán al Gobierno”. Estoy convencido que necesitamos una comunicación más efectiva, afectiva y emotiva. Es fundamental una comunicación liberadora y reflexiva que permita crear más conciencia, sobre todo para los más humildes.
¿Qué opinión le merece que no se haya podido hacer empadronamientos masivos aquí en Argentina para que la comunidad boliviana pueda votar?
Es una prueba más de que a la dictadura no le interesa el voto, menos el voto en el extranjero y menos aún el de la colectividad en la Argentina, porque aquí siempre el MAS arrasa. Han amenazado también que en el trópico de Cochabamba no podrá haber votación porque no hay policía y no es el movimiento campesino el que tiene que garantizar la presencia de la policía, sino que es el Ministro de Gobierno quien debe hacerlo. Son pretextos porque ahí las votaciones las ganamos con el 95%, lo mismo ocurre aquí en Argentina que hemos ganado con el 82%. No son sólo antidemocráticos, son anti-indígenas. Porque aquí mayormente han venido campesinos indígenas quechuas y aymaras.
CÓMO FUERON LAS COSAS
Bolivia atraviesa una vez más la violencia colonial, ahora con cara de extractivismo golpista y patriarcal. El día de la jura la autoproclamada presidenta fue con una Biblia de grandes proporciones y exclamó “la Biblia volvió al Palacio”, haciendo referencia a la antigua Casa de Gobierno de Bolivia llamada “Palacio Quemado”. Desde ese día la “Casa Grande del Pueblo”, sede del gobierno fundada en el tercer mandato de Evo, queda sin actividad. En ese mismo acto hacen la quema de la Wiphala, bandera o símbolo que representa a los pueblos indígenas.
quechuas y aymaras (los indígenas mayoritarios de Bolivia) humillados y ofendidos reaccionaron. Las Fuerzas Armadas y la Policía no ahorraron balas en lo que se conoce como las masacres de Senkata y de Sacaba donde asesinaron más de 30 personas. En el pequeño pueblo de Senkata, donde viven unos 1300 habitantes, tras la renuncia forzada del presidente Morales, vecinos y vecinas mantuvieron bloqueada una planta de abastecimiento de gas por dos semanas. Allí, en un operativo policial-militar levantaron el bloqueo con gases, golpes y disparos de balas de plomo hacia la sociedad civil. La represión realizada incluso desde helicópteros, tuvo como objetivo liberar el bloqueo y realizar un ataque cargado de odio hacia lo índigena. Las mujeres de pollera, la multicolor y cualquier signo quechua-aymara fue blanco de agresión. El Gobierno golpista que ordenó reprimir sostuvo que hubo enfrentamiento, aunque no hubo ningún uniformado muerto. Luego como no pudo sostener esa postura, acusó que los manifestantes se mataron entre ellos. Dos días después cuando familiares de los fallecidos cargaban los féretros realizando un cortejo fúnebre en dirección a La Paz, fueron nuevamente reprimidos en lo que se conoce como la Masacre de Sacaba.
ANIMALES
Los días previos al golpe grupos civiles armados, que sembraban el terror, apuntaron su odio hacia los medios de comunicación para disciplinar las voces que denunciaban al nuevo gobierno. Una de las primeras víctimas fue el periodista argentino Sebastián Moro, quien fue internado con politraumatismos que no se condicen con el informe médico de ACV por el que fallece. Moro era editor del Semanario Prensa Rural de la Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUCB), cuya sede que sufrió ataques de grupos golpistas en La Paz. También era corresponsal de Página12. Ese mismo día horas más tarde fue encontrado en su hogar inconsciente y con politraumatismos que, luego de seis días de internación, le provocarían la muerte. Otro caso es el de Facundo Molares, periodista argentino de la Revista Centenario, que estando internado en coma por insuficiencia renal recibe una orden de detención. Fue acusado de terrorismo y homicidio a civiles, y desde el 2 de diciembre está detenido ilegalmente en la cárcel de máxima seguridad de Chonchocoro en las afueras de La Paz. Periodistas bolivianos son amenazados de delito de sedición si osan nombrar las cosas por su nombre, y canales como RT o Telesur fueron sacados de la grilla en las provincias más importantes.
Arturo Murillo, Ministro del Interior del actual régimen, dijo que la detención de ex funcionarios del gobierno depuesto es una “cacería” y aclaró que usa ese término porque los considera animales. Varios están refugiados en la Embajada de México y el presidente mexicano López Obrador dijo que “ni Pinochet se había atrevido a tanto. La apertura de causas judiciales para algún ex-funcionario con el objetivo de encarcelarlos y escarmentarlos es cosa de todos los días. De esta situación no escapa ni el mismo Evo, hoy proscripto. Y no le permiten ingresar al país ni siquiera para ejercer su derecho al voto el próximo 3 de mayo.
Tal es así que la fórmula del MAS de Luis Arce Catacora-David Choquehuanca se definió y lanzó desde el porteño Hotel Bauen donde reunieron mas de 50 dirigentes del MAS que viajaron desde diferentes regiones de Bolivia.
LA CACERÍA
En los días posteriores al lanzamiento electoral apresaron a Patricia Hermosa, ex jefa de gabinete y actual apoderada de Evo, acusada de sedición y terrorismo. Hermosa se encuentra tras las rejas desde el 31 de enero, a pesar de cursar un embarazo. Patricia tenía en su poder documentos personales del expresidente para ser incluido en la lista de legisladores del MAS. Aún así habían logrado incluir la candidatura como senador por la provincia de Cochabamba y fue el Tribunal Supremo Electoral de Bolivia (TSE) quien inhabilitó la postulación del dirigente indígena al momento de cierre de esta edición. En conferencia de prensa Raúl Zaffaroni, juez de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y actual abogado de Evo, alertó que hasta el 18 de abril puede haber impugnaciones presentadas por cualquier persona que pueden ser resueltas por el TSE. Es decir que el propio candidato a presidente podría ser inhabilitado. Y agregó “el derecho es una lucha permanente, un día a va a volver porque los pueblos no se quedan quietos”.
Así se demostró a fines de enero, cuando indígenas en Buenos Aires alzaron su wiphala para celebrar los 14 años de la fundación del primer estado plurinacional del mundo al son de "¡La pollera se respeta, carajo!".
En un rotundo rechazo al Golpe, más de 40 mil personas se acercaron al Club Deportivo Español en Soldati, en un festejo que no escatimó en danzas, sikus y anticuchos. Evo estuvo ahí y cerró el evento diciendo:
“Estoy convencido, hermanas y hermanos, que vamos a recuperar la democracia. Vamos a volver al gobierno, no con armas como la derecha. Vamos a volver el 3 de mayo con la conciencia del pueblo, con el voto del pueblo boliviano, pacíficamente”.
Translation - English The fight to return: An interview with exiled Bolivian president Evo Morales
Evo Morales, the former president of Bolivia, has spent several months in Argentina as a political refugee. Exiled from his home country, he now spends his time attending different events in Buenos Aires, where he is met with Andean cuisine and wreaths of flowers. It's from this city, and specifically from the Hotel Bauen, that he is orchestrating the next steps of the Movement for Socialism (known in Spanish as MAS). Here, he gives an exclusive interview to Argentinian street paper Hecho en Bs. As.
"I am grateful for the cooperation shown by the Argentinian Government, and for this space which will bring us closer to my beloved Bolivia. I'm also grateful for the people of Argentina, for their excitement and their shouts of encouragement," says Evo Morales, the former president of Bolivia from 2006 to 2019. "I'm taken aback by the support they've shown. In the different locations we visit, they empower us to continue in our fight for change, and, above all, to bring back democracy to Bolivia."
During the months that he has been living in Argentina, Morales has remained politically active. He has visited the main neighbourhoods of Bolivian communities in Buenos Aires; he has met with members of the Argentinian government, different social organisations and trade unions; he has attended the march of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayos, whose children disappeared during the dictatorship in Argentina; and he has also given a number of press conferences from Hotel Bauen.
The son of subsistence farmers, Morales came to prominence through his involvement in workers' unions and first entered politics in the mid-90s. As president, he sought to eradicate poverty and illiteracy while promoting equality for all, and he led his country through a period of strong economic growth. His desire to abolish presidential term limits, coupled with the disputed election result in 2019, dented his popularity and led to the unrest that culminated in his resignation from power while under pressure from the military. The interim government that has been in place since late 2019 alleges that irregularities and evidence of fraud were uncovered when it took over from Morales, while Morales and his supporters allege that he was the victim of a coup d'état. Morales is now living in exile in Argentina; a country that is still coming to terms with its own dictatorial past.
During her conversation with Morales, which took place before the country entered lockdown in response to the coronavirus pandemic, Lema discovers Morales's conviction that MAS (Morales' Movement for Socialism) will return to power with the support of the people behind it, and speaks with him about the reasons behind the coup and the support that he has received from the Bolivian community. The article concludes by examining the circumstances that ousted Morales from power and the unrest that has followed.
Hecho en Bs. As.. How have you been received by the Bolivian community in Argentina?
Evo Morales: We have met with over a hundred people from the Bolivian community here in Buenos Aires, all of whom support peace and the fight for change in Bolivia. I have also received many invitations to gatherings, to birthdays, to celebrations. People often knock on my door. When we ask who's there, they reply: "I'm Bolivian, and I've brought meat to put on the grill." Attending to so many visitors is difficult [laughs). I'm constantly being fed! I'm very grateful to both the Bolivian and the Argentinian people.
Hecho en Bs. As.: What have you reflected on during these past months since the establishment of the dictatorship in Bolivia?
Evo Morales: I was in constant talks with different sectors of society: all of us have recognised that we were far too trusting. We overcame various uprisings, including one in 2008, one in 2011, the demonstrations of the indigenous communities in their march on Isiboro Sécure National Park and the two-week strike carried out by the national police force. None of these events posed a real threat, but finally-like in footballthe other team counterattacked and scored. We didn't have a plan B: we hadn't planned for after the elections of 20 October. Having discussed the matter in depth, we are now becoming convinced of the possibility that we may face voter fraud, or that, if we win, there could be another uprising. We're bracing ourselves to face any other form of aggression from the right. The coup was not only brought about by Bolivia's right-wing groups: it is a product of an Empire that rejects the idea that indigenous communities and social movements have headed progress, and that refuses to accept we have become a part of this nation. We proclaimed the possibility of a different world, and, thanks to our economic policies, Bolivia saw permanent developments. We have demonstrated that, even without the International Monetary Fund, the creation of a new Bolivia is possible. Our industrialisation of lithium was the biggest drawback for the US.
Hecho en Bs. As.: What was the reason behind the coup d'état, in your opinion?
Evo Morales: The West is only interested in taking raw materials from our region and from all of Latin America. In Bolivia, we began to industrialise lithium, from the laboratory through to the construction of pilot plants. Two years ago, in September, We developed our country's potassium chloride industry, with an investment of 800 million dollars. By December of that same year, we had already exported 15,000 tons of potassium chloride to Brazil through a process that aimed to triple production. That year, we planned to unveil the first lithium carbonate facility, which would have been able to produce 400,000 tons a year, we had also planned to build three of these facilities in Coipasa, Pastos Frandes and Uyuni. Afterwards, we would have developed the production of lithium hydroxide by constructing massive lithium battery plants. Our proposal aimed to build 41 plants, which would have been composed of 14 lithium plants, other plants for supplies and others for secondary products, such as food and medicine. We incited a call for international competitive bidding, which included China and Europe (through Russia and Germany). However, the US was not included. The world knows that lithium is the future of energy, and that the biggest reserves of lithium are in Bolivia. Our country has advanced thanks to its international reserves, not through loans; in light of this, and as a result of the nature of the market, we need foreign partners.
The uprising in La Cruz
Hecho en Bs. As.: The day Jeanine Añez, Bolivia's self-proclaimed president, was sworn into her position in office, groups in favour of the coup burned the Wiphala, the flag of the Andean and Bolivian Amazonian ethnic groups, at the Palace of Government. What impact do you think that had?
Evo Morales: God can no longer be used to oppress the poor, as was done during the Inquisition or in Colonial times. As the story goes, aristocratic families would have three children - the first was a priest; the second, a lawyer; and the last, a soldier. When they couldn't maintain their grasp on power using the Bible, they used legislation, if that failed, they used bullets. This is Bolivia's history, and the history of all of Latin America. In Bolivia's case, there are groups in the country which arose from the Bolivian Socialist Falange in the 60s, and from Hugo Banzer's regime in the 70s. Neo-fascism and neo-racism lead to uprisings. Carlos Mesa burned the premises of the Electoral Court after the elections, and he's now calling for the maintenance and repairs of these buildings on behalf of the USAID (United States Agency for International Development). We have once again returned to being a poor nation, to being a nation of beggars, like when Mesa himself was president. That is why the current regime is isolating itself from the world: in order to comply with US orders.
Hecho en Bs. As.: How can a democratic vote be protected amidst a coup d'état?
Evo Morales: It's important that the international community be allowed to send representatives to supervise the elections in Bolivia and ensure the rules are being respected. The Bolivian government have stated publicly that elections will be transparent and unrestricted; I demand they stop pursuing, threatening and getting rid of those who think differently to them. Anyone who protests against Añez in the press is already seen as radically defiant. There is no freedom of expression: they cut the transmissions of news channels, such as RS and Telesur. They shut down community radio stations. They make public threats, stating that, “If any form of Bolivian media protests against the dictatorship, it will be sanctioned." Then it's us they refer to when they say: "The savages will not return to government.” I'm convinced we need a more effective, impactful and emotive form of communication. A liberating and reflexive form of communication that allows us to raise awareness, especially amongst the most deprived members of society, is fundamental.
Hecho en Bs. As.: What is your opinion on the fact that there have not been large
scale registrations in Argentina, which would allow the Bolivian community here to vote?
Evo Morales: It serves as further evidence that the dictatorship is not interested in getting votes, especially not from abroad, and even less so from the Bolivian community in Argentina, as there is an overwhelming support of MAS here. They have also threatened to prohibit the vote in the tropics of Cochabamba, as there is no police force in the area. It's not the responsibility of the region's farmers to establish a police force there: it's the responsibility of the government. They are just using this as an excuse: the fact is, we won 95 per cent of the vote in this area. The same thing happened in Argentina: here, we won 82 per cent of the vote. The dictatorship isn't just antidemocratic, it's anti-indigenous. Most Bolivians who have emigrated to Argentina are Quechua and Aymara farm workers.
BACKGROUND
The series of events
Once again, Bolivia is dealing with colonial violence, now in the form of a patriarchal coup d'etat motivated by extractivism. The day the self-proclaimed president took office, she took out a large Bible and exclaimed: "The Bible has returned to the Palace", making reference to the former Government building, known as the 'Palacio Quemado' ('Burnt Palace'). Since that day, the "Casa Grande del Pueblo' ("Great House of the People'), the headquarters of the government, which was founded in Morales' third term in office, has remained empty. On the same day, the Wiphala, the flag and symbol which represents the country's indigenous populations, was burned. Humiliated and offended, the Quechua and Aymara people (the biggest indigenous communities in Bolivia) retaliated. The armed forces and the police did not shy away from using firearms, resulting in what is known as the Senkata and Sacaba massacres, in which more than 30 people died. After Morales was forced out of office, the residents of Senkata, a small town of around 1,300 people, occupied a gas plant for two weeks. Police and military forces forcibly shut down the occupation, using tear gas, firearms and physical violence against the civilian protesters. The operation, which even involved the use of helicopters, aimed both to disband the occupation and to perpetrate a hateful attack on the indigenous community. Women wearing typical indigenous garments, the multicolour flag and any other symbols of the Quechua-Amara populations, were targets of aggression. The coup-led government maintained that there was conflict and that no police or army officials are reported to have been killed. As the government was unable to later support this claim, it then accused protesters of killing each other. Two days later, whilst the families of the deceased were carrying the coffins of their loved ones in a funeral march towards La Paz, the Indigenous community then faced further repression in what's known as the Massacre of Sacaba.
The coup
In the days leading up to the coup, groups of armed civilians, spreading terror, turned their hatred towards the media in order to punish those who criticised the new government. One of the first victims was the Argentinian journalist Sebastián Moro, who was admitted to hospital with multiple injuries that do not coincide with the medical report, which cites a stroke as the cause of death. Moro was the editor of the weekly newspaper of the Unique Confederation of Rural Laborers of Bolivia (CSUCB), whose headquarters in La Paz were subject to attacks from groups that supported the coup. Moro worked as a journalist for the Argentinian newspaper Página12. He was found unconscious in his home, having suffered multiple injuries which lead to his death in hospital six days later. Another case is that of Facundo Molares, an Argentinian journalist who worked for the Communist paper Revista Centenario, whose arrest warrant was issued after being admitted to hospital in a coma as a result of kidney failure. Accused of committing terrorism and murdering civilians, he has been illegally imprisoned in the Chonchocoro maximum security prison, on the outskirts of La Paz, since 2 December. Bolivian journalists are threatened with being detained for committing treason, and the country's most important provinces no longer have access to news channels like RT or Telesur. Arturo Murillo, the current regime's Minister of Interior Affairs, refers to the detainment of the former government officials who have been kicked out of office as a "hunt", stating that he uses that term specifically, as he sees them as animals. Several of these former officials are refugees in the Mexican Embassy, and the President of Mexico, López Obrador, admitted that "not even Pinochet attempted something like this." Legal cases are opened daily with the aim of imprisoning and punishing former members of government. Not even Morales is exempt from this, having now been banned from entering the country. They even refused to allow him back in to exercise his right to vote on 3 of May [before the election was postponed]. This led to the formation, development and launch of MAS by Luis Arce Catacora David Choquehuanca from the Hotel Bauen. Over 50 leaders of MAS, which travelled to Buenos Aires from different parts of Bolivia, attended the launch of the movement.
The hunt
In the days leading up to MAS' electoral campaign, Patricia Hermosa, the ex-cabinet chief and Morales' current representative in Bolivia, was arrested, having been accused of committing treason and terrorism. Despite being pregnant, Hermosa has been held behind bars since 31 January. She had personal documents from the ex president in her possession, which were to be included in MAS' list of legislators. Despite this, they managed to establish Morales' candidacy as senator of the province of Cochabamba, but the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of Bolivia (TSE) disqualified the indigenous leader from being a candidate. During a press conference, Raúl Zaffaroni, a judge at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and Morales' current lawyer, warned that, until 18 April, anyone would be able to put forward disputes, and that these would be resolved by the TSE. This meant that even presidential candidates faced being disqualified. He added that "the fight for our rights is a permanent one: one day we will succeed, because the people will not keep quiet."
Zaffaroni's prediction was correct: at the end of January, indigenous communities in Buenos Aires raised the symbol of the Wiphala, celebrating the 14 years since the establishment of the world's first plurinational state, chanting "Respect the pollera [the skirt worn by indigenous women), damn it!"
In clear opposition to the coup, more than 40,000 travelled to the Estadio Nueva España stadium in Buenos Aires. Dancing, the playing of indigenous instruments, like the siku, and traditional dishes, like anticucho, abounded amongst the celebrations. Morales also attended the event, and in his closing speech, stated: “I am convinced, my brothers and sisters, that democracy will be restored. We will return to government; not by using weapons, like the right. On the third of May, we will return peacefully, backed by the support of the people, and the vote of Bolivians."
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Recent graduate with a Master of Science in Translation Studies from the University of Edinburgh, currently working as an in-house translator for an engineering company in Catalonia, Spain. Having graduated from my undergraduate degree in Spanish and Italian at the University of Strathclyde with distinction, I have been driven to use my talents in languages in order to build a career in translation. Throughout my undergraduate and postgraduate studies, I have been given the opportunity to put my skills to practice, translating texts belonging to a wide range of genres, including technical texts, literary texts, newspaper articles and online reviews. Additionally, I also have experience working as a voluntary translator for the International Network of Street Papers. I am currently working as an in-house translator for TAVIL INC. S.A.U., a company which specialises in automatic packing and palletizing lines. This role requieres me to translate official company documents related to COVID and international travel, in addition to proofreading documents written in English by non-native speakers.
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